Finding temporary shelter in the interim won’t be easy. As of Oct. 23, there were 377 people on the waiting list for emergency shelter in San Francisco.

With the clock now ticking, advocates for unhoused people say the city must find a solution quickly so no residents are ticketed, towed, or forced to abandon their vehicles and live on the street.

“The families on Winston Drive and Buckingham Way deserve dignity and safety, including a safe parking site and access to permanent housing,” Eleana Binder, policy manager for the homeless services nonprofit Glide, said in a written statement. “Implementing the parking restrictions without options will push them deeper into instability and homelessness.”

People like Suarez say it will be impossible to move their vehicle every four hours while at work, so they’ll have to find a new place to park to avoid the $92 parking tickets. For him, a single parking ticket is nearly half of this daily $220 paycheck.

SFMTA also noted it has payment plans for tickets, community service alternatives and discounts for people experiencing homelessness.

Jessica Coello puts a wedge under the front tire of her RV after moving it for street sweeping on Winston Drive in San Francisco on Oct. 17, 2023. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)

Others said they have no other option but to try to stay and move their vehicle when they can.

Jessica Coello has lived on Winston Drive for about a year with her two kids, ages 15 and 17, who go to high school in the city. Like many of her neighbors, she started living on Winston during the pandemic after she lost work. It was cheaper than paying rent and has allowed her to save up some money for her kids’ college education.

“We aren’t going to have a safe place to go, and we’ll get a lot of tickets,” she told KQED about her fears looking ahead. “If we get a lot of tickets, they’ll tow the RVs, and we won’t have anywhere to live.”

Coello, who works in childcare and housekeeping, has struggled to find regular work after the pandemic. But she wants to stay close to her children’s school so they can graduate on time. She feels lost without options.

“They don’t accept RVs anywhere. Either they are too close to the houses, and people there don’t want RVs near, or we are on the streets, and they can’t stay there,” she told KQED. “If you put restrictions, we’ll be homeless. It will be an even worse situation for us.”

Residents chant during a rally calling on San Francisco to provide safe parking sites and housing for families living in RVs near San Francisco State University at risk of eviction on Winston Drive on Oct. 24, 2023. (Beth LaBerge/KQED)

Joshua Hernandez, 21, moved to an RV on Winston Drive with his girlfriend just three months ago, after it got too expensive to continue renting their apartment in Daly City. He’s working as a plumber and his girlfriend is taking classes at Skyline Community College.

“Even if we worked long days everyday, it wasn’t enough to pay our bills and still go to college. So we moved here. And it feels way better now, we can save for our future,” he told KQED outside a rally on Tuesday morning where families living in RVs were demanding the city find a safe parking site before the new rules kick in.

For many of the families parked next to him, Suarez said, the new parking limits will “pretty much force everyone out.”

But Suarez hopes he’s wrong.

The post San Francisco RV Group Fears New Parking Guidelines Might Push Them Nearer to Homelessness appeared first on DAILY SAN FRANCISCO BAY NEWS.

• By James Clayton
• Technology reporter, San Francisco

7 April 2023

Image source, Getty Images

Image caption,

The Tenderloin district has a reputation for high drug use and crime

Bob Lee was part of the tech establishment. The former chief technical officer of Square and founder of the $40bn payment app Cash App.

In the early hours of Tuesday morning, he was killed in a stabbing, in a supposedly “safe” part of San Francisco.

His death has sent a chill through the tech community.

Twitter’s former CEO, Jack Dorsey, called the killing heart-breaking.

His friend and fellow tech founder Joshua Goldbard tweeted: “Bob was like a brother to me… Bob’s energy was infectious. He made friends everywhere he went.”

Elon Musk also added his thoughts on the killing.

“Very sorry to hear that. Many people I know have been severely assaulted. Violent crime in SF is horrific.”

San Francisco has struggled with homelessness and drug deaths in recent years. In a city reliant on the tech sector, the pandemic hit its downtown more than any other in the US – it simply hasn’t been able to bounce back.

I often hear downtown being described as “dead” or “quiet”. And in certain neighbourhoods, the city can feel unsafe, something the city’s mayor has previously acknowledged.

Areas around the Tenderloin (in the heart of the city) and Soma, which stands for “South of Market” can feel dystopian, particularly at night.

Image source, Twitter/Bob Lee

Image caption,

Tributes poured in for Bob Lee

Many television crews take armed guards with them when gathering footage in the city.

And with the streets so quiet, anti-social behaviour can sometimes feel more threatening and obvious.

So far there have been 12 murders in the city. In the first three months of last year there were 10. The number of assaults is also similar.

And when you compare that to other cities, San Francisco compares relatively well. This is not Gotham City.

But the view that Elon Musk articulates, that violent crime is up, is very common.

San Francisco is a relatively small city. Its population is around 800,000. And unlike cities like Chicago, many of the “problem” neighbourhoods are interwoven throughout the central business district.

Twitter global headquarters, for example, is on Market Street, a few blocks away from the Tenderloin. Mobile payment company Block is also close by. San Francisco’s problems are out in the open – right in the heart of the city.

For its politicians, desperate to try and entice tech business back to the city, high profile killings like Mr Lee’s are devastating.

If influential tech companies decide to stay away, and people begin to leave, it could create what’s been referred to as a “doom loop”.

The city’s influential paper, The San Francisco Chronicle, has recently warned that the city could be in a negative spiral – and outlined how the city could “die”.

As companies leave, tax revenue falls. People use mass transit less until it becomes bankrupt – making it more difficult for low and middle-income workers to get to work. Labour costs rise still further, and the city has fewer funds to tackle things like crime and disorderly behaviour.

The city’s mayor responded, saying: “It’s easy to throw out dire predictions about the death of downtown. But that’s not our reality and it’s not going to happen.”

San Francisco is one of the most beautiful cities in the world.

It has Silicon Valley on its doorstep. It is also excellently located to take advantage of the new boom in tech – AI.

OpenAI, the maker of ChatGPT, is based in San Francisco, along with a myriad other AI tech start-ups.

The city boasts incredible talent. In many ways it has an awful lot going for it. Yet still, many people are leaving. Last year the American Housing Survey found that about 18% of San Francisco residents plan on moving in 2023. Nearly half of them said they were intending to move to a different city.

And unless San Francisco can stem that tide, it’s in trouble.

The post Bob Lee killing highlights San Francisco crime fears appeared first on DAILY SAN FRANCISCO BAY NEWS.

Beijing and Washington agreed to work together on narcotics control and artificial intelligence and resume military-military communication, Beijing said, summing up long-awaited talks on Wednesday between US President Joe Biden and Chinese leader Xi Jinping.

3. San Francisco mocked in China for moving homeless away from Apec summit venue

San Francisco removed homeless residents from encampments near the Apec summit venue, where world leaders – including US President Joe Biden and his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping – met, sparking derision from commentators in China.

5. Cancer-causing toxins found in several suitcase brands: Hong Kong watchdog

Several suitcase brands have been found to contain cancer-causing chemicals linked to hampering children’s growth and impairing the male reproductive system, Hong Kong’s consumer watchdog has said, urging people to wash their hands after touching luggage handles.

4. Prabowo slams West’s ‘unfair’ treatment of Indonesia: ‘we don’t need Europe’

Indonesia’s defence minister and presidential candidate, Prabowo Subianto, greets supporters at the election commission headquarters in Jakarta on October 25. Photo: ReutersIndonesia’s leading presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto has accused the West of having double standards and losing moral leadership, saying Jakarta has been treated “unfairly” due to protectionist measures imposed on critical minerals.

6. Bedbug infestation fears in Hong Kong spark panic buying of insecticides

Fears over an invasion of bedbugs in Hong Kong has sparked panic buying of insect killers and a leap in inquiries about pest control. But an expert said infestations of the insects, as common as mosquitoes, could be avoided with good hygiene and simple precautions.

7. Woman jumps from first-floor window after police raid Hong Kong massage parlour

A woman jumps to the ground after climbing out the window of a massage parlour when the premises were raided by police. Image: FacebookThree women climbed out the window of a first-floor Hong Kong massage parlour and one jumped to the pavement in a failed attempt to escape arrest after a police anti-vice operation targeted the premises.

The post San Francisco mocked in China, world’s quickest web rolls out, bedbug invasion fears in Hong Kong: SCMP’s 7 highlights of the week appeared first on DAILY SAN FRANCISCO BAY NEWS.

The traditional Iñupiaq village of Teller sits on a long spit of land separating two bodies of water off Western Alaska’s Seward Peninsula. The bay of Port Clarence is west toward the Bering Sea, and Grantley Harbor is inland to the east. (Berett Wilber for Northern Journal)

SEWARD PENINSULA, ALASKA — Ducks and swans flew overhead as Sylvester Ayek, 82, and his daughter Kimberly, 35, hauled rocks to anchor their small salmon net on the bank of a deep, tidal channel — 25 miles inland from the open Bering Sea coast. 

Nearby on that July day, Mary Jane Litchard, Ayek’s partner, picked wild celery and set out a lunch of past subsistence harvests: a blue-shelled seabird egg, dried beluga whale meat and red salmon dipped in seal oil.

Then, as they waited for fish to fill the net, the family motored Ayek’s skiff up the channel, known as the Tuksuk, spotting birds and seals and passing family fish camps where drying salmon hung on racks. Soon, the steep channel walls gave way to a huge, saltwater lake: the Imuruk Basin, flanked by the snow-dotted peaks of the Kigluaik Mountains. 

Ayek describes the basin as a “traditional hunting and gathering place” for the local Iñupiat, who have long sustained themselves on the area’s bounty of fish, berries and wildlife.

Sylvester Ayek, an Iñupiaq hunter, fisherman and sculptor, prepares to set his salmon net off the bank of the Tuksuk Channel on the Seward Peninsula. (Berett Wilber for Northern Journal)

On a day trip fishing in the Tuksuk Channel, Mary Jane Litchard, 72, holds up a part of her family’s lunch: a hard-boiled murre egg. (Berett Wilber for Northern Journal)

But despite a long Indigenous history, and a brief settler boom during the Gold Rush more than a century ago, a couple of weather-beaten cabins were the only obvious signs of human impact as Ayek’s boat idled — save for a set of tiny, beige specks at the foot of the mountains.

Those specks were a camp run by a Canadian exploration company, Graphite One. And they marked the prospective site of a mile-wide open pit mine that could reach deep below the tundra — into the largest known deposit of graphite in the U.S.

The mine could help power America’s electric vehicle revolution, and it’s drawing enthusiastic support from powerful government officials in both Alaska and Washington, D.C. That includes the Biden administration, which recently announced up to $37.5 million in subsidies for Graphite One through the U.S. Department of Defense. 

So far, the announcements from the project’s politically connected boosters have received far more attention than the several hundred Alaskans whose lives would be affected directly by Graphite One’s mine. 

While opinions in the nearby Alaska Native villages of Brevig Mission and Teller are mixed, there are significant pockets of opposition, particularly among the area’s tribal leaders. Many residents worry the project will harm the subsistence harvests that make life possible in a place where the nearest well-stocked grocery store is a two-hour drive away, in Nome.

Kimberly Ayek picks a salmon from her family’s net in the shallows of the Tuksuk Channel. (Berett Wilber for Northern Journal)

“The further they go with the mine, our subsistence will just move further and further away from us,” Gilbert Tocktoo, president of Brevig Mission’s tribal government, said over a dinner of boiled salmon at his home. “And sooner or later, it’s going to become a question of: Do I want to live here anymore?”

Despite those concerns, Graphite One is gathering local support: Earlier this month, the board of the region’s Indigenous-owned, for-profit corporation unanimously endorsed the project. 

The Nome-based corporation, Bering Straits Native Corp., also agreed to invest $2 million in Graphite One, in return for commitments related to jobs and scholarships for shareholders.

The tensions surrounding Graphite One’s project underscore how the rush to bolster domestic manufacturing of electric vehicles threatens a new round of disruption to tribal communities and landscapes that have already borne huge costs from past mining booms.

Sylvester Ayek points toward the Kigluaik Mountains and the site of the Graphite One exploration project as his skiff bobs in the Imuruk Basin. (Berett Wilber for Northern Journal)

Sylvester Ayek and his daughter Kimberly set their gillnet in the Tuksuk Channel. (Berett Wilber for Northern Journal)

Across the American West, companies are vying to extract the minerals needed to power electric vehicles and other green technologies. Proposed mines for lithium, antimony and copper are chasing some of the same generous federal tax credits as Graphite One — and some are advancing in spite of objections from Indigenous people who have already seen their lands taken and resources diminished over more than a century of mining.

The Seward Peninsula’s history is a case in point: Thousands of non-Native prospectors came here during the Gold Rush, which began in 1898. The era brought devastating bouts of pandemic disease and displacement for the Iñupiat, and today, that history weighs on some as they consider how Graphite One could affect their lives. 

“A lot of people like to say that our culture is lost. But we didn’t just go out there and lose it: It was taken from us,” said Taluvaaq Qiñuġana, a 24-year-old Iñupiaq resident of Brevig Mission. A new mining project in her people’s traditional harvesting grounds, she said, “feels like continuous colonization.”

Taluvaaq Qiñuġana, pictured in her home village of Brevig Mission, is opposed to Graphite One’s proposed mining project. The open pit mine would be built in the area of her family’s traditional harvesting grounds. (Berett Wilber for Northern Journal)

But other Indigenous residents of Brevig Mission and Teller say the villages would benefit from well-paying jobs that could come with the mine. Cash income could help people sustain their households in the two communities, where full-time work is otherwise scarce. 

Graphite One executives say one of their highest priorities, as they advance their project toward permitting and construction, is protecting village residents’ harvests of fish, wildlife and berries. They say they fully appreciate the essential nature of that food supply.

“This is very real to them,” said Mike Schaffner, Graphite One’s senior vice president of mining. “We completely understand that we can’t come in there and hurt the subsistence, and we can’t hurt how their lifestyle is.”

The Iñupiaq residents of the village of Brevig Mission depend on local harvests of fish, wildlife and berries. Some fear a planned graphite mine nearby could interfere with their way of life. (Berett Wilber for Northern Journal)

U.S. produces no domestic graphite

Graphite is simply carbon — like a diamond but far softer, because of its different crystal structure. Graphite is used as a lubricant, in industrial steelmaking, for brake linings in automobiles and as pencil lead.

It’s also a key component of the high-powered lithium batteries that propel electric cars. 

Once mined and concentrated, graphite is processed into a powder that’s mixed with a binder, then rolled flat and curled into the hundreds of AA-battery-sized cylinders that make up the battery pack.

America hasn’t mined any graphite in decades, having been undercut by countries where it’s extracted at a lower cost.

China currently produces more than half of the world’s mined graphite and nearly all of the highly processed type needed for batteries. The country so dominates the supply chain that global prices typically rise each winter when cold temperatures force a single region, Heilongjiang, to shut down production, said Tony Alderson, an analyst at a price tracking firm called Benchmark Mineral Intelligence.

Some forecasts say graphite demand, driven by growth in electric vehicles, could rise 25-fold by 2040. Amid growing U.S.-China political tensions, supply chain experts have warned about the need to diversify America’s sources of graphite. 

Last year’s climate-focused Inflation Reduction Act, written in part to wrest control of electric vehicle manufacturing from China, is accelerating that search.

For new electric cars to qualify for a $3,750 tax credit under the act, at least 40% of the value of the “critical minerals” that go into their batteries must be extracted or processed domestically, or in countries such as Canada or Mexico that have free-trade agreements with the United States. 

That fraction rises to 80% in four years.

Graphite One is one of just three companies currently advancing graphite mining projects in the United States, according to the U.S. Geological Survey. And company officials are already marketing their graphite to global electric vehicle makers.

But when they presented their preliminary plans to Tesla, “they said, ‘That’s great, we are interested in buying them, but we would need to write 40 contracts of this size to meet our need,’” Schaffner, the Graphite One vice president, said at a community meeting this year, according to the Nome Nugget. 

In response, Graphite One is now studying a mine that could be substantially larger than its original proposal.

The Tuksuk Channel, which reaches inland to the Imuruk Basin and its surrounding tundra, is a vital area for harvests by residents of the nearby Iñupiaq villages of Brevig Mission and Teller. (Berett Wilber for Northern Journal)

It’s too early to know how, exactly, the mine’s construction could affect the surrounding watershed. One reason is that the level of risk it poses is linked to its size, and Graphite One has not yet determined how big its project will be.

While graphite itself is nontoxic and inert, the company also hasn’t finished studying the acid-generating potential of the rock that its mine could expose — another key indicator of the project’s level of risk. Stronger acid is more likely to release toxic metals into water that Graphite One would have to contain and treat before releasing back into the environment.

One fish biologist in the region has also said he fears the mine’s construction could negatively affect streams flowing out of the Kigluaik Mountains, though Graphite One officials disagree. The streams’ cool water, according to Charlie Lean, keeps temperatures in the shallow Imuruk Basin low enough to sustain spawning salmon — a critical source of abundant, healthy food for Brevig Mission and Teller residents.

Graphite One plans to store its waste rock and depleted ore in what’s known as a “dry stack,” on top of the ground — rather than in a pond behind a dam, a common industry practice that can risk a major breach if the dam fails. 

But experts say smaller-scale spills or leaks from the mine could still drain into the basin and harm fish and wildlife.

“There is always a possibility for some sort of catastrophic failure. But that doesn’t happen very often,” said Dave Chambers, president of the nonprofit Center for Science in Public Participation, which advises advocacy and tribal groups across the country on mining and water quality. “There’s also a possibility there will be no impact. That doesn’t happen very often, either.”

Freshly cut salmon dries on racks in Teller, a traditional Iñupiaq village on Western Alaska’s Seward Peninsula. Salmon are an essential food source for Teller residents, who otherwise must drive 70 miles on a gravel road to reach affordably priced groceries. (Berett Wilber for Northern Journal)

Alfred Kakoona, 45, cuts up his morning’s catch of fresh salmon, a staple food for the Indigenous peoples of the Seward Peninsula, on the beach at Brevig Mission. (Berett Wilber for Northern Journal)

A way of life at stake 

There are no Teslas in Brevig Mission or Teller, the two Alaska Native villages closest to the proposed mine. 

To get to the communities from the nearest American Tesla dealership, you’d first board a jet in Seattle. Then, you’d fly 1,400 miles to Anchorage, where you’d climb on to another jet and fly 500 more miles northwest to Nome, the former Gold Rush town known as the finish line of the Iditarod sled dog race.

A 70-mile gravel road winds northwest through tundra and mountains before dipping back down to a narrow spit on the Bering Sea coast. The road ends in Teller, population 235, where most residents lack in-home plumbing — let alone own electric cars.

If you need a bathroom here, you’ll use what’s known as a honey bucket.

Brevig Mission, population 435, is even more remote than Teller. It sits across a narrow strait and is accessible only by boat or plane.

(Berett Wilber for Northern Journal)

The region’s Indigenous history is memorialized in the 1973 book “People of Kauwerak,” written by local elder William Oquilluk. It documents the founding of Kauwerak, an Iñupiaq village by a sandbar near the Imuruk Basin’s innermost reaches.

The area was chosen, according to the book, for the same reasons it’s treasured now: abundant fish and birds, berries and moose, even beluga whales. Kauwerak became one of the Seward Peninsula’s largest villages before it was abandoned in the 19th century, as residents left for jobs and schools.

Whalers, then gold miners, brought profound changes to the Indigenous way of life on the Seward Peninsula, especially through the introduction of pandemic diseases. One outbreak of measles and flu, in 1900, is thought to have killed up to one-third of residents in one of the region’s villages. In Brevig Mission, 72 of 80 Native residents died from the 1918 Spanish flu.

Today, the miners and whalers are gone. In Teller, the population of 250 is 99% Alaska Native. 

Four in 10 residents there live below the poverty level, and a typical household, with an average of three people, survives on just $32,000 a year, according to census data.

At the community’s main store, the shelves are completely barren of fresh fruits and vegetables. A box of Corn Chex costs $9.55, and a bottle of Coffee-Mate runs $11.85 — more than twice the Anchorage price. 

Residents can buy cheaper groceries in Nome. But gas for the 70-mile drive costs $6.30 a gallon, down from $7 in July.

The main store in Teller lacks fresh produce and charges steep prices for groceries, making hunting and fishing essential for the village’s Iñupiaq residents. (Nathaniel Herz/Northern Journal)

The high cost of goods combined with the few available jobs helps explain why some Teller and Brevig Mission residents are open to Graphite One’s planned mine, and the cash income it could generate. 

As Ayek, the 82-year-old subsistence fisherman, pulled his skiff back into Teller with a cooler of fish, another man was slicing fresh sides of salmon a little ways down the beach.

Nick Topkok, 56, has worked as a contractor for Graphite One, taking workers out in his boat. As he hung his fish to dry on a wood rack, he said few people in the area can find steady jobs.

“The rest are living off welfare,” Topkok said. The mine, he said, would generate money for decades, and it also might help get the village water and sewer systems.

“I’ll be dead by then, but it’ll impact my kids, financially,” he said. “If it’s good and clean, so be it.”

Topkok also acknowledged, however, that a catastrophic accident would “impact us all.”

Many village residents’ summer fishing camps sit along the Tuksuk Channel, below the mine site. Harvests from the basin and its surroundings feed families in Brevig Mission and Teller year-round.

“It’s my freezer,” said Dolly Kugzruk, president of Teller’s tribal government and an opponent of the mine.

Researchers have found all five species of Pacific salmon in and around the Imuruk Basin. Harvests in the area have hit 20,000 fish in some years — roughly 30 per fishing family, according to state data.

At a legislative hearing several years ago on a proposal to support Graphite One’s project, one Teller resident, Tanya Ablowaluk, neatly summed up opponents’ fears: “Will the state keep our freezers full in the event of a spill?”

Some 30 miles outside Nome, supplies for Graphite One’s remote mining exploration camp wait at a staging area the company uses for its helicopters. (Berett Wilber for Northern Journal)

Gold Rush prospector’s descendants would reap royalties

Elsewhere in rural Alaska, Indigenous people have consented to resource extraction on their ancestral lands on the basis of compromise: They accept environmental risks in exchange for a direct stake in the profits.

Two hundred miles north of the Imuruk Basin, zinc and lead unearthed at Red Dog Mine have generated more than $1 billion in royalties for local Native residents and their descendants, including $172 million last year. On the North Slope, the regional Iñupiat-owned corporation receives oil worth tens of millions of dollars a year from developments on its traditional land.

The new Manh Choh mine in Alaska’s Interior will also pay royalties to Native landowners, as would the proposed Donlin mine in Southwest Alaska.

No such royalties would go to the Iñupiaq residents of Brevig Mission and Teller, based on the way Graphite One’s project is currently structured.

The proposed mine sits exclusively on state land. And Graphite One would pay royalties to the descendants of a Gold Rush-era prospector — a legacy of the not-so-distant American past when white settlers could freely claim land and resources that had been used for thousands of years by Indigenous people.

Nicholas Tweet was a 23-year-old fortune seeker when he left Minnesota for Alaska in the late 1800s. His quest for gold, over several years, took him hiking over mountain ranges, floating down the Yukon River by steamboat, walking hundreds miles across beaches and, finally, rowing more than 100 miles from Nome in a boat he built himself.

Tweet settled in Teller with his family, initially prospecting for gold. 

As graphite demand spiked during World War I, Tweet staked claims along the Kigluaik Mountains, and he worked with a company that shipped the mineral to San Francisco until the war ended and demand dried up. 

Today, Tweet’s descendants are still in the mining business on the Seward Peninsula. And they still controlled graphite claims in the area a little more than a decade ago. That’s when a Vancouver entrepreneur, Anthony Huston, was drawn into the global graphite trade through his interest in Tesla and his own graphite-based golf clubs. 

News of a possible deal with Huston’s company arrived at one of the Tweets’ remote mining operations via a note dropped by a bush plane. They reached an agreement after months of discussions — sometimes, according to Huston, with 16 relatives in the room.

So far, the Tweet family, whose members did not respond to requests for comment, has received $370,000 in lease fees. If the project is built, the family would receive additional payments tied to the value of graphite mined by Graphite One, and members could ultimately collect millions of dollars.

Bering Straits Native Corp., owned by more than 8,000 Indigenous shareholders with ties to the region, recently acquired a stake Graphite One’s project — but only by buying its way in. 

The company announced its $2 million investment this month. The deal includes commitments by Graphite One to support scholarships, hire Bering Straits’ shareholders and give opportunities to the Native-owned corporation’s subsidiary companies, according to Dan Graham, Bering Straits’ interim chief executive. He declined to release details, saying they have not yet been finalized.

As it considered the investment, Bering Straits board members held meetings with Brevig Mission and Teller residents, where they heard “a lot of concerns,” Graham said. Those concerns “were very well thought through at the board level” before the corporation offered its support for the project, he added.

“Graphite One is very committed to employing local workers from those villages, to being as transparent as possible on what the development is,” Graham said.

Graphite One officials say they have work to do to ensure the region’s residents are trained for mining jobs in time for the start of construction. The company had a maximum of 71 people working at its camp this summer, but Graphite One and its contractors hired just eight people from Teller and Brevig Mission. Sixteen more were from Nome and other villages in the region, according to Graphite One.

Company officials say they have no choice but to develop a local workforce. Because of graphite’s relatively low value in raw form, compared to gold or copper, they say the company can’t afford to fly workers in from outside the region.

Graphite One says it’s also taking direction from members of a committee of local residents it’s appointed to provide advice on environmental issues. In response to the committee’s feedback, the company chose not to barge its fuel through the Imuruk Basin earlier this year; instead, it flew it in, at an added cost of $4 a gallon.

Since Graphite One acquired the Tweets’ graphite claims, progress on the development has been slow. But now, escalating tensions with China and the national push to Americanize the electric vehicle supply chain are putting Huston’s project on the political fast track.

In Nome, U.S. Sen. Lisa Murkowski walks away from a helicopter that flew her to the Graphite One project, a mining exploration camp that the Canadian company is developing to build an open pit graphite mine. (Berett Wilber for Northern Journal)

U.S. Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska, stands in the Nome airport, holding a bag with chunks of graphite she received at Graphite One’s exploration project. (Berett Wilber for Northern Journal)

‘We don’t have a choice’

In July, U.S. Sen. Lisa Murkowski boarded a helicopter in Nome and flew to Graphite One’s remote exploration camp overlooking the Imuruk Basin.

A few days later, the Alaska Republican stood on the Senate floor and brandished what she described as a hunk of graphite from an “absolutely massive,” world-class deposit.

“After my site visit there on Saturday, I’m convinced that this is a project that every one of us — those of us here in the Congress, the Biden administration — all of us need to support,” she said. “This project will give us a significant domestic supply, breaking our wholesale dependence on imports.”

U.S. Sen. Dan Sullivan, R-Alaska, U.S. Rep. Mary Peltola, D-Alaska, and GOP Gov. Mike Dunleavy have all expressed support for the project.

Graphite One has enlisted consultants and lobbyists to advance its interests, according to disclosure filings and emails obtained through public records requests.

They include Clark Penney, an Anchorage-based consultant and financial advisor with ties to the Dunleavy administration, and Nate Adams, a former employee of Murkowski and Sullivan who’s worked as a lobbyist in Washington, D.C.

Murkowski has said the mine will reduce dependence on foreign countries that lack America’s environmental and human rights safeguards.

“Security of supply would be assured from day one, and the standards for the mine’s development and operation would be both exceedingly high and fully transparent,” Murkowski wrote in a letter to the Biden administration in 2022.

The Defense Department, meanwhile, announced its grant of up to $37.5 million for Graphite One in July. This month, the company also announced it had received a $4.7 million Defense Department contract to develop a graphite-based firefighting foam. 

In a statement, a department spokesman said the July agreement “aims to strengthen the domestic industrial base to make a secure, U.S.-based supply of graphite available for both Department of Defense and consumer markets.”

In Teller and Brevig Mission, Graphite One’s opponents have noticed how the electrical vehicle transition seems to be driving interest in the mine planned for nearby. 

Gilbert Tocktoo is the president of the tribal government in Brevig Mission. In an interview at his home, he said he opposes the large graphite mine planned on state land near the Imuruk Basin. (Berett Wilber for Northern Journal)

As the project gathers outside political support, some village residents said that local attitudes have been shifting, too, in response to the company’s offers of jobs and perks. 

Tocktoo, the chief of Brevig Mission’s tribal council, said resistance in his community has diminished as Graphite One “tries to buy their way in.”

The company awards door prizes at meetings and distributes free turkeys, he said. Two years ago, the company gave each household in Brevig Mission and Teller a $50 credit on their electrical bills.

The project, though, remains years away from construction, with production starting no earlier than 2029.

Before it can be built, Graphite One will have to obtain an array of permits, including a major authorization under the federal Clean Water Act that will allow it to do construction around wetlands.

And the project also faces geopolitical and economic uncertainties. 

At least last year, Graphite One was tight on cash. It had to slightly shorten its summer exploration season because it didn’t have the money to finish it, company officials said at a public meeting this year. 

And while Graphite One is counting on a partnership with a Chinese business to help set up its graphite processing and manufacturing infrastructure, the partner company’s top executive has said publicly that U.S.-China political tensions may thwart the transfer of necessary technologies.

Murkowski, in an interview at the Nome airport on her way home from her visit to Graphite One’s camp, stressed that the project is still in its very early stages. 

The permitting process and the substantial environmental reviews that will accompany it, she added, will give concerned residents a chance to pose questions and raise objections.

“There’s no process right now for the public to weigh in. And it’s all so preliminary,” she said. “When you don’t know, the default position is, ‘I don’t think this should happen.’”

Lucy Oquilluk is president of the tribal government of the Iñupiaq village of Mary’s Igloo. Though the Mary’s Igloo village site near the Imuruk Basin is now abandoned, the area is still an important place for tribal members to fish, hunt and gather food. Many of them live in the nearby community of Teller and maintain their own tribal government. (Berett Wilber for Northern Journal)

But opponents of the project in Brevig Mission and Teller say they fear their objections won’t be heard. Lucy Oquilluk, head of a Teller-based tribal government, said she feels a sense of inevitability.

“It just feels like we have nothing to say about it. We don’t have a choice,” Oquilluk said. “They’re going to do it anyways, no matter what we say.”

This story was produced by Northern Journal, APM Reports and Alaska Public Media as part of the Public Media Accountability Initiative, which supports investigative reporting at local media outlets around the country.

Nathaniel Herz is an Anchorage-based journalist. He’s been a reporter in Alaska for a decade, and is currently reporting for Alaska Public Media. Find more of his work by subscribing to his newsletter, Northern Journal, at natherz.substack.com. Reach him at natherz@gmail.com.

The post Tesla wants graphite. Alaska has loads. However mining it raises fears in close by villages. appeared first on DAILY SAN FRANCISCO BAY NEWS.

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Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis took aim at San Francisco, calling the city a “dumpster fire” while expressing fears about what would happen if companies there relocated to Florida.

“There is cause for concern,” DeSantis said during an event Monday. “Texas would have all these companies moved from California over the years. So you’d have companies move from San Francisco to Austin, and they’d bring hundreds of employees with them. And those employees would vote the exact same way they voted that turned San Francisco into the dumpster fire that it is.”

DNC CHAIR JAIME HARRISON CALLS FLORIDA GOV. DESANTIS ‘THE LITTLE DEVIL’

DeSantis expressed fears that California voters could begin moving to Florida, saying they fail to make the connection between “leftist” policies and the problems they left behind.

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis
(AP Photo/Phelan M. Ebenhack)

“It’s like the leftism, they will not draw the connection between their leftist ideology and the destruction that’s all around them,” DeSantis said. “It’s a problem because I do think there’s a class of voters who would come to Florida, and they would continue to vote the same way.”

The Republican governor’s comments come as many high-profile companies and entrepreneurs in the technology industry have either expressed interest in, or already have, moved from California to Texas and Florida.

Florida Governor Ron DeSantis
(Fox News)

Among the most high-profile movers was Tesla CEO Elon Musk, who moved from California to Texas last year and has publicly floated the idea of ​​moving Tesla’s headquarters with him. While a Tesla move to Texas hasn’t happened yet, the company has invested in a large facility close to Austin and appears poised to make Texas a priority.

Elon Musk McNamee/Getty Images)
(Win McNamee/Getty Images)

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The comments also come at the same time as Musk officially made a deal to purchase Twitter, another high-profile company currently with headquarters in California.

The post DeSantis calls San Francisco a ‘dumpster fireplace,’ fears Californians importing ‘destruction’ to Florida appeared first on DAILY SAN FRANCISCO BAY NEWS.

The purchase of Twitter for $44 billion by Tesla CEO and billionaire Elon Musk on Monday fueled worry by Twitter employees and others that the company could be moved out of state, or at least out of San Francisco, where the company has been headquartered since its founded in 2006.

https://californiaglobe.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/44-Billion-Twitter-Sale-to-Elon-Musk-Ignites-Fears-Company-May-Be-Moved-Out-of-San- Francisco-California-Globe-042522.mp3

Press play to hear a narrated version of this storypresented by AudioHopper.

Neither Musk nor any Twitter executive said anything about a potential move on Monday, with Musk focusing solely on the sale and assuming fears to users that he would use the platform as a way to limit-free speech despite being an advocate of free speech expansions on Twitter, would reinstate former President Donald Trump to Twitter, or other actions that would greatly change the platform. In a statement on Monday, Musk maintained his commitment to free speech, as well as improving the social media platform.

“Free speech is the bedrock of a functioning democracy, and Twitter is the digital town square where matters vital to the future of humanity are debated,” Musk said on Monday. “Twitter has tremendous potential — I look forward to working with the company and the community of users to unlock it. I also want to make Twitter better than ever by enhancing the product with new features, making the algorithms open source to increase trust, defeating the spam bots, and authenticating all humans. Even my worst critics remain on Twitter, because that is what free speech means.”

Musk’s words quieted some critics, with the buyout causing Twitter’s stock to jump up over 5% before the bell on Monday. Other fears were also lessoned following the Twitter boards announcement that they rigorously assed Musk’s offer, with Twitter Board chair Bret Taylor noting on Monday that “The Twitter Board conducted a thoughtful and comprehensive process to assess Elon’s proposal with a deliberate focus on value, certainty, and financing. The deal was best path forward for Twitter’s stockholders.”

However, for many Twitter employees, the question about Musk’s commitment to California remained in the air.

“There’s no way we’re moving to a hellhole like Texas,” said a group of four Twitter employees in a Globe interview on Monday. “Everyone here is completely on edge after it was announced today. I mean, we’ve been this way for a while with Musk coming in and out of being on the board or trying to buy us. But now that it has happened, and considering that Musk has moved so much he had in California out of state, we are very concerned.”

Concern of a move outside of San Francisco

In the past, Musk has had a mixed relationship with California. He personally moved from California to Texas in 2020, moving Tesla’s headquarters from Palo Alto to Austin late last year and SpaceX expanding into Texas. However, he has also shown remarkable commitment to the state, keeping the Space X headquarters in Hawthorne, improving the Tesla plant in Fremont, and building a new factory in Lathrop. Many in the tech industry have noted that Musk has hinted about moving Twitter out of San Francisco in the past.

“Musk has said before that he wants to turn Twitter’s HQ into a homeless shelter,” said Anthony Ferry, a San Francisco tech consultant, to the Globe on Monday. “He even reiterated on Twitter that he was serious. That’s not exactly concrete, but it is a red flag.”

“Plus many in Texas are trying to get Musk to move them in. Governor [Greg] Abbott tweeted to Musk earlier today to move them to Texas. So this isn’t just speculation. This is an active movement. If I was someone in power here in San Francisco I would be incredibly worried. Twitter is one of the main companies here for tech. If they were gone, many would start panicking.”

.@elonmusk. Bring Twitter to Texas to join Tesla, SpaceX & the Boring company.

— Greg Abbott (@GregAbbott_TX) April 25, 2022

Twitter employees were also concerned.

“Beyond Musk taking over here, we’re worried just what he will do here now,” said “Saanvi,” one of the four Twitter employees interviewed, to the Globe. “We all have lives here now and like living here. No one really wants to go.”

Another employee, “David,” immediately added, “It may sound like we’re just exaggerating things, but we aren’t. We aren’t in some bubble. No one wants a move. And you can bet that the city doesn’t want them to go too. There’s a lot of taxes riding on Twitter here, as well as Twitter being an important part of the economy. California loose Twitter, there goes another big company as well as a lot in taxes and many well-paid employees.”

“If we don’t quit before,” added a third employee. “If there is a move, some of us might just move on elsewhere here rather than go there. This is something no one wants but Musk might. And if he does, well, remember when Boeing was moved out of Seattle and then tanked in Chicago because of the brain drain and all the mistakes with it? A lot of parallels here is all I’m saying.”

As of Monday, Musk nor anyone else in Twitter has mentioned a possible move, with no other city reporting on a move outside of speculation.

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Isit in my office shed while the squirrel in front of me eats the last of the summer tomatoes. He’s sitting on the other side of the glass in the corner of the raised bed, with an expression on his face that says, I thought you wanted to see this.

Beyond the squirrel, a man in a hard hat uses a chainsaw to cut up a linden tree in the alley along the garden wall. In between cuts, my wife yells at him that maybe he could come over to see a tree on our side of the wall.

It is the last corner of the year, a traditional time to get in the mood for the coming winter. This year I gave myself a full 30 days to inspect the summer damage: The rail with which the trash can slide into its trough is locked; the window in the garden door, which had cracked its entire length after slamming in a strong wind; the toilet flush valve on the first floor – pissed off again.

When the 30 days passed, I performed a messy operation on the trash can’s sliding drawer, and for the second time this year, I replaced the toilet’s broken mechanism. It is clear that a more permanent solution is needed. On the flip side, buying a £ 28 flush valve unit annually may be a luxury I can afford.

An hour later the tree man comes by to talk about our cherry tree. I leave my office and wave.

“If I could, I would just reduce it,” says my wife. “But he won’t let me.”

“You would miss it if it was gone,” I say.

“No, I wouldn’t,” she says in a tone that suggests that there are many things she wouldn’t miss.

The tree man offers a third way to save marriage – crowning the tree to reduce its height, let in more light, and maintain its overall shape. But he can’t do it until December.

“December?” says my wife. “I want it to be ready now so I don’t have to rake leaves.”

“We’re very busy,” says the tree man. In fact, they have never been this busy – with the possibility of a second lockdown, people rush to put their immediate surroundings in order.

“He doesn’t,” says my wife, pointing at me again.

“Toilet,” I say, holding up a thumbs up, followed by an index finger. “Container.”

“It’s been like this since the summer,” says the tree man.

“I know,” I say. “Try to get a chimney sweep to call you back.”

“I can imagine that,” says the tree man.

“Imagine you’re not trying so hard,” says my wife.

The truth is, I’m a little scared of chimney sweeps. The whole profession seems to me to be anchored in old superstitions. Their websites boast the latest in imaging equipment, but among the services listed you can often find “Weddings for good luck.” Half in the shade, half in the light.

The last chimney sweep to come into the house was recommended by the wood stove installer. I asked him to sweep a second chimney in the kitchen where the previous owner had installed a much smaller stove.

“We don’t really use it,” I said, “just in case.”

“I’m not going anywhere near it,” he said, looking down.

“Why?” I said. “Is it cursed?”

He didn’t answer. In fact, he cleaned the other chimney and left without saying a word.

Chimney sweep websites also have a magical way of making them appear nearby – “Local Acton Sweep” – even though their mailing address is actually in Kent.

“So far I have only received a brief answer,” I tell my wife that evening. “From a man who said I wasn’t around and recommended someone to join me.”

“Yes?” says my wife.

“A sweep that, like the others, rejects any attempt at contact,” I say.

“It’s her busy time,” she says.

“They all shine in the wedding pictures, but there is something very dark at work here.”

“You’re just trying to make me do it, aren’t you?” She says.

“Of course,” I say. “I don’t even want to be here when they come.”

The post Tim Dowling: I am dealing with my fears and reserving a chimney sweep | Life and elegance appeared first on DAILY SAN FRANCISCO BAY NEWS.

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