GRANTS PASS, Oregon — A pickleball game in this leafy Oregon community was suddenly interrupted one rainy weekend morning by the arrival of an ambulance. Paramedics rushed through the park toward a tent, one of dozens illegally erected by the town’s hundreds of homeless people, then play resumed as though nothing had happened.

Myles Baida plays pickleball as emergency responders put a homeless person in an ambulance March 23 in Grants Pass, Ore. Relatives had called police and requested a welfare check. 

Jenny Kane, Associated Press

Mere feet away, volunteers helped dismantle tents to move an 80-year-old man and a woman blind in one eye, who risked being fined for staying too long. In the distance, a group of boys climbed on a jungle gym.

The scenes were emblematic of the crisis gripping the small, Oregon mountain town of Grants Pass, where a fierce fight over park space has become a battleground for a much larger, national debate on homelessness that has reached the U.S. Supreme Court.

A volunteer holds on to a wheelchair as Max Hartfelt is helped into his tent after being relocated from one park to another March 23 in Grants Pass, Ore. The rural community has become the unlikely face of the nation’s homelessness crisis as its case over anti-camping laws goes to the U.S. Supreme Court.

Jenny Kane, Associated Press

The town’s case, set to be heard April 22, has broad implications for how not only Grants Pass, but communities nationwide address homelessness, including whether they can fine or jail people for camping in public. It has made the town of 40,000 the unlikely face of the nation’s homelessness crisis, and further fueled the debate over how to deal with it.

People are also reading…

Grants Pass Mayor Sara Bristol visits Tussing Park on March 22 in Grants Pass, Ore. 

Jenny Kane, Associated Press

“I certainly wish this wasn’t what my town was known for,” Mayor Sara Bristol told The Associated Press last month. “It’s not the reason why I became mayor. And yet it has dominated every single thing that I’ve done for the last 3 ½ years.”

Officials across the political spectrum — from Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom in California, which has nearly 30% of the nation’s homeless population, to a group of 22 conservative-led states — have filed briefs in the case, saying lower court rulings have hamstrung their ability to deal with encampments.

Like many Western communities, Grants Pass has struggled for years with a burgeoning homeless population. A decade ago, City Council members discussed how to make it “uncomfortable enough … in our city so they will want to move on down the road.” From 2013 to 2018, the city said it issued 500 citations for camping or sleeping in public, including in vehicles, with fines that could reach hundreds of dollars.

A vehicle at left drives down Rogue River Highway as light shines on the area  March 23 in Grants Pass, Ore. 

Jenny Kane, Associated Press

But a 2018 decision by the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals changed the calculus. The court, whose jurisdiction includes nine Western states, held that while communities are allowed to prohibit tents in public spaces, it violated the Eighth Amendment’s ban on cruel and unusual punishment to give people criminal citations for sleeping outside when they had no place else to go.

Four years later, in a case challenging restrictions in Grants Pass, the court expanded that ruling, holding that civil citations also can be unconstitutional.

Civil rights groups and attorneys for the homeless residents who challenged the restrictions in 2018 insist people shouldn’t be punished for lacking housing. Officials throughout the West have overstated the impact of the court decisions to distract from their own failings, they argued.

“For years, political leaders have chosen to tolerate encampments as an alternative to meaningfully addressing the western region’s severe housing shortage,” the attorneys wrote. “It is easier to blame the courts than to take responsibility for finding a solution.”

In Grants Pass, the town’s parks, many lining the picturesque Rogue River, are at the heart of the debate. Cherished for their open spaces, picnic tables, playgrounds and sports fields, they host everything from annual boat-racing festivals and vintage car shows to Easter egg hunts and summer concerts.

Brian Wright, center, prays during bible study at Gospel Rescue Mission on March 21 in Grants Pass, Ore. 

Jenny Kane, Associated Press

They’re also the sites of encampments blighted by illegal drug use and crime, including a shooting at a park last year that left one person dead. Tents cluster along riverbanks, next to tennis courts and jungle gyms, with tarps shielding belongings from the rain. When the sun comes out, clothes and blankets are strung across tree branches to dry. Used needles litter the ground.

Grants Pass has one overnight shelter for adults, the Gospel Rescue Mission. It has 138 beds, but rules including attendance at daily Christian services, no alcohol, drugs or smoking and no pets mean many won’t stay there.

Cassy Leach, a nurse, leads a volunteer group providing food, medical care and other basic goods to the town’s hundreds of homeless people. They help relocate their tents to comply with city rules.

Cassy Leach, a nurse who leads a group of volunteers who provide food, medical care and other basic goods to the hundreds of homeless people living in the parks, talks to Kimberly Marie, who is homeless and camping in Fruitdale Park on March 21 in Grants Pass, Ore. 

Jenny Kane, Associated Press

At one park last month, she checked on a man who burned his leg after falling on a torch lighter during a fentanyl overdose and brought him naloxone, the opioid overdose reversal medication. In another, she distributed cans of beans, peas and Chef Boyardee mini ravioli from a pickup truck.

“Love, hope, community and a safety net is really as important as a shower and water,” Leach said.

Dre Buetow, 48, from northern California, has been living in his car for three years after a bone cancer diagnosis and $450,000 in medical bills. The illness and treatment kept him from returning to his old tree-trimming job, he said.

Laura Gutowski’s husband died from a pulmonary embolism and she suddenly found herself, in her 50s, with no income. They didn’t have life insurance or savings and, within a month, she was sleeping outside.

“I used to love camping,” she said through tears. “And now I can’t stand it anymore.”

But some residents want to limit aid because of the trash left behind after encampment moves or food handouts. The City Council proposed requiring outreach groups to register with the city. The mayor vetoed it, laying bare the discord gripping Grants Pass.

Before the council attempted, unsuccessfully, to override the veto last month, a self-proclaimed “park watch” group rallied outside City Hall with signs reading, “Parks are for kids.” 

The group regularly posts images of trash, tents and homeless people on social media. On Sundays, they set up camp chairs in what they say is a bid to reclaim park space.

Brock Spurgeon says he used to take his grandkids to parks that were so full it was hard to find an available picnic table. Now, open drug use and discarded needles have scared families away, he said.

“That was taken away from us when the campers started using the parks,” he said.

Homeless encampment sweeps spike in cities across US as housing crisis grows

Michael Johnson gathers possessions to take before a homeless encampment was cleaned up in San Francisco on Aug. 29, 2023. Cities across the U.S. are struggling with and cracking down on tent encampments as the number of homeless people grows, largely due to a lack of affordable housing. Homeless people and their advocates say sweeps are cruel and costly, and there aren’t enough homes or beds for everyone.  

Jeff Chiu, Associated Press

Roxanne Simonson, 60, removes her long-sleeve shirt  July 27 after being told by Rapid Response Bio Clean that she has 72 hours to vacant her illegal campsite in Portland, Ore. Simonson has been homeless for two years. 

Craig Mitchelldyer

Will Taylor, 32, cleans up the campsite of a friend July 27 before Rapid Response Bio Clean removes the belongings during a sweep in Portland, Ore. Taylor says that he has had to move three times since becoming homeless. Tent encampments have long been a fixture of West Coast cities, but are now spreading visibly across the U.S. The federal count of homeless people reached 580,000 last year, driven by lack of affordable housing and a pandemic that economically wrecked households. 

Craig Mitchelldyer, Associated Press

Prohibited items that have been collected by Rapid Response Bio Clean while cleaning homeless camps sit on a table in the company warehouse in Portland, Ore., on July 27, 2023. Weapons, car parts and drug paraphernalia are not allowed to be returned to people whose items have been confiscated during a sweep.  

Craig Mitchelldyerr, Associated Press

A San Francisco Police Department vehicle drives through a homeless encampment being cleaned up in San Francisco on Aug. 29, 2023. Records obtained by The Associated Press show attempts to clear encampments increased in cities from Los Angeles to New York as public pressure grew to address what are dangerous and unsanitary living conditions. But despite tens of millions of dollars spent in recent years, there appears to be little reduction in the number of tents propped up on sidewalks, in parks and by freeway off-ramps.

Jeff Chiur, Associated Press

Members of the San Francisco Homeless Outreach Team’s Encampment Resolution Team walk toward an encampment in San Francisco Aug. 29, 2023. 

Jeff Chiu, Associated Press

Two small stones that say “hope” and “peace” respectively and two flowers lay inside a circle of rocks on the ground in Portland, Ore., on Oct. 17, 2023. The rock circle is next to the site of a former homeless encampment that was cleared several times over the course of the year. With homelessness on the rise in the U.S. and a lack of affordable housing, cities and states are cracking down on mushrooming tent encampments.  

Claire Rushr, Associated Press

Roughly 30 large boulders occupy the narrow strip of land between a sidewalk and a parking lot wall in Portland, Ore., on Oct. 17, 2023. The boulders were installed sometime after late July at the site of a former homeless encampment to prevent tents from being set back up. The encampment was cleared several times over the course of the year.  

Claire Rushr, Associated Press

San Francisco Public Works crew load a truck while cleaning items from a homeless encampment in San Francisco Aug. 29, 2023. Cities across the U.S. are struggling with and cracking down on tent encampments as the number of homeless people grows, largely due to a lack of affordable housing. Homeless people and their advocates say sweeps are cruel and costly, and there aren’t enough homes or beds for everyone. (AP Photo/Jeff Chiu)

Jeff Chiu, Associated Press

A woman gathers possessions to take before a homeless encampment was cleaned up in San Francisco on Aug. 29, 2023. Cities across the U.S. are struggling with and cracking down on tent encampments as the number of homeless people grows, largely due to a lack of affordable housing. Homeless people and their advocates say sweeps are cruel and costly, and there aren’t enough homes or beds for everyone.  

Jeff Chiu, Associated Press

A woman gathers possessions to take before a homeless encampment was cleaned up in San Francisco, Aug. 29, 2023.  

Jeff Chiur, Associated Press

Members of the San Francisco Homeless Outreach Team’s Encampment Resolution Team speak with people at an encampment in San Francisco Aug. 29, 2023.  

Jeff Chiur, Associated Press

A San Francisco Public Works crew cleans items from a homeless encampment in San Francisco Aug. 29, 2023. 

Jeff Chiur, Associated Press

Maurice Palmer waits with his possessions as a homeless encampment is cleaned up in San Francisco Aug. 29, 2023.  

Jeff Chiur, Associated Press

Francis Zamora, of Department of Emergency Management, walks past a puddle near a homeless encampment being cleaned up in San Francisco Aug. 29, 2023.  

Jeff Chiur, Associated Press

A man pushes items while a homeless encampment is being cleaned up in San Francisco Aug. 29, 2023.  

Jeff Chiur, Associated Press

Roughly 30 large boulders occupy the narrow strip of land between a sidewalk and a parking lot wall in Portland, Ore., on Oct. 17, 2023. The boulders were installed sometime after late July at the site of a former homeless encampment to prevent tents from being set back up. The encampment was cleared several times over the course of the year. Cities across the U.S. are struggling with and cracking down on tent encampments as the number of homeless people grows, largely due to a lack of affordable housing. Homeless people and their advocates say sweeps are cruel and costly, and there aren’t enough homes or beds for everyone.  

Claire Rushr, Associated Press

Amber Nastasia from Rapid Response Bio Clean cleans a homeless camp July 27 in Portland, Ore. 

Craig Mitchelldyer, Associated Press

Will Taylor, 32, cleans up the campsite of a friend July 27 before Rapid Response Bio Clean removes the belongings during a sweep in Portland, Ore.

Craig Mitchelldyer, Associated Press

Will Taylor, 32, cleans up the campsite of a friend before Rapid Response Bio Clean removes the belongings during a sweep in Portland, Ore., July 27, 2023. T 

Craig Mitchelldyerr, Associated Press

Amber Nastasia from Rapid Response Bio Clean cleans a homeless camp in Portland, Ore., on July 27, 2023.  

Craig Mitchelldyerr, Associated Press

Amber Nastasia, left, and Jacob Miller from Rapid Response Bio Clean clean a homeless camp in Portland, Ore., Thursday, July 27, 2023.  

Craig Mitchelldyerr, Associated Press

Be the first to know

Get local news delivered to your inbox!

The post Supreme Court docket to resolve Oregon homelessness case appeared first on DAILY SAN FRANCISCO BAY NEWS.

The Eagles are one team that would potentially trade down to reclaim draft picks from previous trades and want to amass a pick since they currently don’t have a fourth, fifth, or sixth round draft pick.

The Eagles have two first-round picks in this year’s draft, and they have some draft ammo to move up when targeting a specific player since they own the 30th pick for Super Bowl runners-up, along with the 10th. Pick You got them in a deal with the New Orleans Saints last March.

Want to bet on the NFL?

Check out the best NJ sports betting sites

The Eagles are expected to have 12 picks in the 2024 draft, their own seven selections, a Day 3 pick from wide receiver Jalen Reagors Trade to the Minnesota Vikings, and four predicted compensatory picks, including a predicted third-round pick that the team expects thanks to defensive tackle Javon Hargrave, who has signed a four-year, $80 million deal with the San Francisco 49ers.

If the Eagles were to be promoted from 10th pick, it would be expensive. According to the Draftek trade value chart, using the 10th and 30th would be enough to get to the seventh pick, occupied by the Las Vegas Raiders. However, the price could be higher, especially if a team is willing to overpay to step up and take on one of the quarterbacks like Kentucky’s Will Levis or Florida’s Anthony Richardson.

If the team is ready to part with significant draft assets, these three players would be worth the price to trade in and pick when they start falling off the draft board:

Will Anderson Jr. EDGE, Alabama

Anderson is unlikely to drop among the fifth pick owned by the Seattle Seahawks and possibly make third overall to the Arizona Cardinals. Should that happen anyway, Anderson would be the player who would change the dynamic of the defense. In 13 games last season, Anderson had 10 sacks, 12 quarterback hurries, 51 tackles, 17 tackles for loss and one interception.

A 6-foot, 4-inch, 253-pound edge rusher, Anderson is quick off the ball and has shown a few moves that have allowed him to achieve his lofty sack total. Anderson also has the athleticism to back down for cover, which the Eagles have done with their edge rushers when they apply pressure from other areas. His overall skill set could place him in multiple spots on the defensive front and, if planned properly, make Haason Reddick and Anderson’s potential devastating in pass rush situations.

Tyree Wilson, EDGE, Texas Tech

Wilson would be a good fit with the Seahawks looking for help on the defensive line, but if the Seahawks bypass Wilson, the Falcons, who are in the process of reshaping their defense, would also be a good fit, meaning the Eagles would have a deal with making the Raiders to stand in front of the Falcons and take him.

Wilson, who is 6 feet, 6 inches tall and 271 pounds, had seven sacks, eight eiles, a forced fumble, 61 tackles and 14 tackles for loss in his senior season, which ended early because of a broken foot. Wilson is ready to go and could have the same impact from the edge that Anderson would without the aspect of falling back into the coverage aspect of a zone flash or some other exotic coverage look.

Jalen Carter, DT, Georgia

Carter, once considered the first draft pick, was removed from some teams’ draft boards due to his involvement in a car accident and other concerns off the field. However, the Eagles have the leadership core to help him early in his career and keep him focused.

In 13 games last season, Carter had 32 tackles, seven tackles for loss, three sacks and two forced fumbles, disrupting mid-line of scrimmage. At 6 feet, 3 inches and 323 pounds on his pro day, Carter’s speed and power can provide an instant presence down the middle of the defensive line and lessen the impact of Hargrave’s departure to the San Francisco 49ers joining a rotation to do so include Fletcher Cox, Milton Williams, Marlon Tuipolutu and his former college teammate Jordan Davis.

Thank you for relying on us to provide journalism you can trust. Please consider supporting us with a subscription.

Chris Franklin can be reached at cfranklin@njadvancemedia.com.

The post If Eagles determine to commerce up from 10, what might it value and the three gamers price shifting as much as take appeared first on DAILY SAN FRANCISCO BAY NEWS.

Accessory dwelling units are one of the hottest items in California’s housing industry, inspiring a slew of companies to try their hand at designing and building them. So amid the hype, you may be asking yourself whether you should ride the cresting wave and put an ADU on your property too.

Less than a decade ago, a better question would have been, “Can I even get a permit for an ADU?” And in many communities, the answer would have been “No” — local land-use rules, building requirements and permit fees were designed to make such projects prohibitively expensive or to just prohibit them.

Desperate for more housing, however, state lawmakers started bulldozing obstacles to ADUs in 2017. Under state law, if the ADU is no more than 800 square feet and 16 feet tall and is set back at least 4 feet from the property line, it’s eligible for a permit in any residential or mixed-use zone. Nor do you need to replace the off-street parking you lose when you convert your garage to an ADU, removing what once was an “insurmountable mountain,” in the words of Gordon Stott of Connect Homes, a manufacturer of prefabricated homes.

Newsletter

Sign up for You Do ADU

Get the next installment in your inbox.

Enter email address

Sign Me Up

You may occasionally receive promotional content from the Los Angeles Times.

Today, local officials have to green-light any ADU project that meets a list of objective standards, even if local rules would ordinarily prohibit adding floor space on that lot. Yet a city’s list of requirements may be long, affecting such things as how far the ADU must be from the main house, how tall it can be and what building materials may be used.

As a result, there’s a big difference from city to city when it comes to getting permits, said Alex Czarnecki, CEO of Cottage, a firm that designs and builds ADUs. While the city of Los Angeles has really embraced these units, he said, some other jurisdictions still find ways to make it hard to build one.

Nevertheless, the push from Sacramento all but guarantees that you can eventually get a permit to build an ADU. So should you?

Newsletter

Sign up for You Do ADU

Our six-week newsletter will help you make the right decision for you and your property.

Enter email address

Sign Me Up

You may occasionally receive promotional content from the Los Angeles Times.

Stan Acton, a developer in Campbell, Calif., who specializes in ADUs, said last year that for half to two-thirds of his potential customers, building an ADU was “really not a good idea.” That’s because they had assumed things about the project that just weren’t true — for example, they grossly underestimated the cost, the place they wanted to put it on their lot wasn’t feasible, or they hadn’t considered other possible investments with better returns.

Experts say the first question you should ask yourself is what need you’re trying to meet with an ADU. In other words, what’s your goal? And then you need to figure out whether you can meet that goal without busting your budget.

A two-story garage conversion in Venice by Bau10, which shares space with a white stucco home.

(Paul Vu)

Matching an ADU to your needs

Developers say that their customers usually have one or more of the following goals:

• Creating a rental unit to generate income.
• Providing space for a daughter, son or other young-adult relation working on a degree or starting a career.
• Providing an apartment for a caregiver looking after someone in the house.
• Housing an older relative.
• Having a scaled-down home to live in after the kids move out.

If you see your goal(s) on that list, there may very well be an ADU that works for you. But if your goal is to generate income through Airbnb or Vrbo rentals, these structures may not be the solution you’re hoping for. That’s because California bars short-term rentals for ADUs built under the authority of state law, and multiple cities (including Los Angeles and San Francisco) have similar bans.

In many cases, homeowners will have different short-term and long-term goals. For example, they might want to rent out the unit until it’s time to move their parents in. “That’s the beautiful thing about ADUs,” said Robert Berry, founder of ADU Homes in Long Beach. “[Their] use changes over the life of the property and the life of the property owner. Aging in place, multigenerational living — all these concepts blend with an ADU.”

Your goals affect how much you need to spend on your ADU and whether the project will fit your budget. For example, you may need an ADU big enough to have more than one bedroom, or sufficiently separated from your house to provide mutual privacy, or comfortable enough for you to live in someday.

If you’re just trying to generate cash in the short term with a rental unit, a prefab might be the way to go, Acton said. “You can get them faster and cheaper. They’re not really considered a long-term asset,” he said, adding, “That’s a perfectly legitimate solution in many regards.” (Keep in mind that Acton’s business is “stick-built” units — custom dwellings built on site — so he’s not an impartial observer.)

And there are other ways to trim the cost of a project; other builders suggested choosing less expensive materials and finishes if you’re planning to rent out your ADU rather than putting a family member in it (or living there yourself).

Another option is a junior ADU, which can be as large as 500 square feet within an existing house. JADUs can share the house’s bathrooms, but they must have a separate entrance and a kitchen with a sink, a food preparation counter, cabinets and electrical appliances.

You might think that JADUs would be a great way to create a rental unit and generate extra income. But Acton said that “in general, we have advised people against them” because “they often pencil out to be an expense instead of an investment.” Given all the retrofitting required, he said, “you’re spending a lot of money and you’re not getting any new square footage.”

If you’re an empty-nester with one or more now-vacant bedrooms, the approach might nevertheless be a good fit. Ditto for elderly homeowners who might want a space for a live-in caretaker.

Jennifer Palmer, director of housing and homeless services for Napa County, said she’s found the primary motivator for ADUs to be the rental income they can bring. And there are plenty of reasons a homeowner might be eager for a revenue boost, including a child heading to college and an aging parent needing more care. The possibility of extra cash from an ADU “can start to change the economics of how people look at their property,” she said.

Yet it can take time for people to warm up to the idea of sharing their property with a tenant. A few years ago, Palmer said, Napa County held workshops on a new loan program for junior ADUs. Although a lot of people attended, she said, not many sought permits right away. Instead, the surge in applications came in year two. Initially, people may not like the idea of walling off the bedroom that their grown son or daughter no longer occupies. But as they walk by it for the 40th time, she said, they come around.

There are a few other factors to consider.

Or Michaelo, CEO of the Home Gallery in Malibu, said putting the foundation for an ADU on a hillside may require costly additional work. “When you find out that the foundation is more expensive than the ADU, then you have to really question yourself if it makes sense to build an ADU,” he said.

The locale is also a factor, Michaelo said. “It doesn’t make sense to bring a very high-end product into an area where the average home sold for $600,000, $700,000,” he said, unless it’s for a family member who really wants a luxury unit.

Do your homework

To make better decisions about an ADU, here are a few things to read from expert sources that aren’t trying to sell you anything.

They’re not cheap

State law allows ADUs as small as 150 square feet, or roughly the size of a freshman’s room in a college dormitory. Experts caution, though, that a significant amount of the cost of an ADU isn’t affected by the size of the room(s) you build.

Every non-junior ADU must have a kitchen and a bathroom, which means plumbing and a sewer connection; a foundation fit for a dwelling, not a garage or a shed; lights, electrical outlets and a heating and cooling system, which will often require a new panel of circuit breakers; plus a full set of permits for the plans and construction if you’re going to get a certificate of occupancy. Those are fixed costs builders can’t avoid.

Yes, building a full-sized single family home would require a lot more money. But ADUs remain “quite expensive to build, especially at today’s material costs,” said Anthony P. Dedousis of Revival Homes, a startup that guides homeowners through ADU projects.

Even converting your garage into an ADU will probably cost you $100,000 or more, experts say. That’s because older structures tend to have issues with their foundations and their frames. “Some of the walls are not straight, the building has shifted, and you’re spending a lot of time and money squaring off the building,” said Billy Snow of Snow Construction.

Added Ben Galan, West Hollywood’s manager of building and safety, “You’re going from an uninhabitable building or space to a livable space,” he said, which means complying with newer, tougher mechanical, electrical, plumbing, fire safety and energy conservation requirements, along with insulation, light and ventilation codes. For example, if the garage is near the property line, its exterior materials must meet fire-safety standards “so fire doesn’t jump from building to building,” he said.

Dedousis said that a garage conversion might cost $150,000, and a detached ADU could go for $200,000 or $300,000, depending on the size. In Los Angeles, some homeowners say their ADUs cost significantly more than that.

One important factor, Berry said, is the quality of the finishes — that is, the grade of the surfaces you can see, such as the woodwork, flooring and tiles. “That moves the needle quite a bit in terms of your costs,” Berry said.

“It’s a very, very complicated project … because there are hundreds of things that make it complicated,” Acton said. “An ADU for the Joneses is not going to work for the Jacksons next door. Every lot is different. Setbacks are different. Utility hookups are different. Motivations are different. Financing is different.”

And some needs can be met with much less extensive projects. For example, if you’re just looking for more living space, converting your garage to a bedroom or office would be considerably less expensive than turning it into an ADU.

Paradoxically, however, it may be a lot easier to get a permit for an ADU. Your plan to convert the garage into a home office could be met by a demand from your city to build a new garage or carport to preserve off-street parking spaces. Or your proposal to extend your back wall and add a bedroom could run afoul of land-use rules limiting the ratio of floor area to lot size. Neither of those strictures apply to an ADU.

It was important to the homeowners that this ADU felt like it belonged in their Highland Park backyard.

(Cristopher Nolasco)

They’re not quick

Prefab ADU manufacturers will tout how quickly they can wrap up construction on your lot. Once the foundation is in, they say, they can finish work in a matter of weeks, not the months required for many stick-built units.

And they may not be exaggerating about that! But in many cases, construction is the less time-consuming part of the process. Builders say that getting your project through the local permitting gantlet will usually require far longer than 60 days specified under state law.

“A lot of permitting agencies are just overwhelmed,” said Sean Phillips, founder of Otto ADU, whose company designs and oversees construction of ADUs. These projects typically make their way through the process much faster than other major home improvements, but that’s a relative measure, not an absolute one.

Lawmakers have barred local officials from using their discretion when deciding whether to approve a plan for an ADU. Instead, the review process is “ministerial,” which means reviewers can judge a plan only by a checklist of objective measures.

The catch is, each city can write its own checklist. And in some jurisdictions, there are a lot of boxes to tick.

Answering the call for more housing

If you already have an ADU but didn’t get a permit for it, the changes in state law make it easier for you to bring your unit into compliance and get a certificate of occupancy.

We want to hear from you

Are you building an ADU or considering one? Do you have insights to share or unanswered questions? Or horror stories? Tell us.

Renée Schomp, former director of the Napa Sonoma ADU Center, said this is an important issue in lower-income communities of color, particularly those that value having multiple family generations live together. “If people don’t have housing, they will create housing for themselves,” she said, adding that financial barriers and concerns about working with local officials led many households to build without a permit (and without inspections for code violations).

But while it’s easier to get permits, it can still be costly to convert an unpermitted ADU to one that can legally house people.

Paul Dashevsky, cofounder of GreatBuildz, said his firm is getting quite a few inquiries from people looking to bring unpermitted ADUs up to code. “Most folks come and think that, ‘I’ll just drop a set of plans’” with the city, then spend “a couple hundred here, a couple thousand there.” But it’s not that simple, he said; the ADU owners may have to upgrade their foundation and utility connections, and inspectors will want to make holes in the walls to look at the piping, wiring and other hidden work.

“Once they’re doing that, they’re opening up a can of worms,” he said, with costs running to $30,000 or more. “If you did it illegally the first time around, it’s quite possible you didn’t do it to code,” he said.

“Now you have to do it to today’s code.”

A few city and county governments across the state offer financial help for lower-income residents to upgrade an unpermitted ADU or build a new one, but the efforts are scattershot. More information on that topic will be in the next installment of this newsletter, which will be all about financing.

Schomp and other housing advocates see ADUs as an incremental but important piece in the state’s struggle to house its population. That’s why they’re eager for more homeowners to add units or get permits for the ones they built years ago.

“There’s no bad reasons to build more housing, in my opinion,” Schomp said, “as long as you can afford it, and you are realistic about what the return on investment is for you and your family.”

The post The right way to determine whether or not to construct an ADU appeared first on DAILY SAN FRANCISCO BAY NEWS.

South San Francisco’s DD Policy addresses the need for universal early childhood care for families living or working in the city by imposing an annual tax on large commercial offices that generate approximately $55.9 million annually.

If passed, the measure will have 18 months to go into effect. Funds will accrue from commercial offices larger than 25,000 square feet at a rate of $2.50 per square foot of lot size.

Advocates including Councilor James Coleman and Margaret Brodkin, founder and director of Funding the Next Generation, who have helped collect signatures, have billed the measure as a way to fill gaps in existing subsidized childcare while they are in first line affects the richest companies in the city.

But opponents of the measure, Julie Waters, director of local government and community relations at California Life Sciences, and Deputy Mayor Buenaflor Nicolas, who takes the position of the majority of the city council, say it’s not that simple.

“A lot of companies have childcare plans, we work with the city. I don’t know what benefits there are that I really appreciate and it has nothing to do with the tax burden,” Waters said. “It’s the fact that despite the big, shiny names, most South San Francisco tenants are actually tenants, they’re owned by the development company, and they have specified in their leases that they will pass the new tax on to those tenants.”

There are more than 120 small companies — including startups — that are members of the California Life Sciences Group, Waters said.

“These startups aren’t making money yet, they have five to 10 employees, and their position is to take their lab and leave,” she said.

However, Coleman explained that the city’s popular preschool program, operated by the Parks and Recreation Department, has a waiting list of more than 700 families, which translates to about four years. This is forcing families to either have no child care and stay home with their children or pay for child care they may not be able to afford, Coleman said.

However, Nicolas is concerned that the plan does not take a holistic view of childcare.

“Money is just a tool and without the right plan and the infrastructure behind it, nothing really gets done because if you don’t plan it, you plan to fail,” Nicolas said.

The city’s study found that revenue generated – which is estimated at $55.9 million in the first year and will increase to $68.2 million in the coming years as projects in the development pipeline are completed – given the current demand would initially not be sufficient to provide the program, however the gap could be closed over time.

Caring for the 1,462 children who are expected to initially use the service would cost more than $61 million annually, $23.9 million for residents and $19.6 million for dollars for non-residents. The other $17.5 million would go toward increasing childcare workers’ salaries by 10%, which the measure also calls for.

According to the report, the average monthly cost of early childhood care in the city is currently $1,341 per month.

“The cost of pre-school and day care is exorbitant at the moment, my husband and I are lucky enough to be able to afford it, but once our daughter goes into foster care we will be paying more for childcare than our mortgage and more for that Childcare as our UC class when we were in college,” said resident Natalie Wheatfall Lum.

The City of South San Francisco covers all preschool and early childhood care costs without a means test, meaning families of significant means can continue to participate in the free child care service.

Coleman argues that the reason the measure lacks means testing is that a better educated society is a better society.

“If you’re very wealthy, you can choose your own private school or nanny, but the idea is everyone has the same resources,” Coleman said.

If the funds cannot cover everyone, there will be a means-testing system put in place by the city and the managing authority to ensure priority is given to people from lower-income families, he added.

“Additionally, there is another problem, our preschool teachers are not earning anywhere near a living wage that would allow them to live in South San Francisco. They currently make about $17 an hour and just for comparison, kindergarten teachers make $46 an hour,” said Coleman.

Add to that low wages and a higher turnover rate, which made it difficult for preschool teachers to develop skills in the profession, he added.

According to Yes on DD’s website, the service is offered to any child aged 2.5 to 5 whose family lives or works in the city.

However, Nicolas said that with $56 million, they will not be able to meet the city’s childcare needs.

“Childcare is at the center of our universe and, as you can see, it’s part of our overall plan,” Nicolas said. “We are the only city in San Mateo County that has developed a child care master plan.”

The City’s Children’s Master Plan identified the need for operational support for child care programs. She argues that childcare is needed not just from ages 2 1/2 to 5, but from birth to age 12. Additionally, she said non-traditional childcare is required for people who work graveyard shifts or nurses.

“Our [child master plan] is a very comprehensive plan. We need operational support for these programs, we know how to stabilize and secure facilities, and we are looking for financial resources to help families pay for this child care,” said Nicolas. “And the most important thing is to solve the staff shortage.”

Nicolas said she doesn’t want to be the guinea pig or the first to fail at universal citywide child care.

Funding the Next Generation’s Brodkin argues city officials will love the childcare program.

“It’s going to put South San Francisco on a map like nothing they’ve ever done, people are going to want to stay there, people are going to want to live there,” Brodkin said. “It’s going to be one of the most exciting things that’s happened in the kids space.”

The post South San Francisco to resolve on free youngster care | Native Information appeared first on DAILY SAN FRANCISCO BAY NEWS.

South San Francisco’s Measure DD addresses the need for universal early child care for families who live or work in the city by imposing an annual tax on large commercial offices generating approximately $55.9 million annually.

If the measure passes, it will have 18 months until it goes into effect. Funds will be accrued from commercial offices larger than 25,000 square feet at a rate of $2.50 per square foot of parcel size.

Proponents, including Councilmember James Coleman and Margaret Brodkin, founder and director Funding the Next Generation, who helped gather signatures, have billed the measure as a way to address gaps in existing subsidized child care while affecting primarily the city’s wealthiest companies.

However, opponent for the measure, Julie Waters, director for Local Government and Community Relations, California Life Sciences, and Vice Mayor Buenaflor Nicolas, who represents the viewpoint of the City Council majority, explains that it isn’t that simple.

“A lot of the companies have child care plans that exist, we work in collaboration with the city. I don’t know what benefits there are that I truly recognize and it’s not related to the tax burden,” Waters said. “It’s the fact that most of the tenants in South San Francisco, you know despite the big shiny names, are actually renters, they are owned by the development company and they have in their leases that they will pass the new tax along to those tenants .”

There are more than 120 small businesses — including startups — that are members of the California Life Sciences group, Waters said.

“These startups aren’t making any money yet, they employ five to 10 employees and their position is to take their lab and leave,” she said.

Still, Coleman explained the city’s popular preschool program, run by the Parks and Recreation Department, has a waitlist of more than 700 long families, which equates to about four years. This forces families to either not have child care and stay at home with their children or pay for child care they may not be able to afford, Coleman said.

However, Nicolas is concerned the plan doesn’t look at child care holistically.

“Money is just a tool and without the proper plan and infrastructure behind it nothing really will be done because failing to plan it is planning to fail,” Nicolas said.

The city’s study found that revenue produced — estimated at $55.9 million in the first year, rising to $68.2 million in coming years as projects in the development pipeline are completed — would not initially be enough to provide the programming given current demand, however, the gap could be closed over time.

To provide for the 1,462 children expected to seek the service initially, it would cost north of $61 million annually, the study indicates $23.9 million for residents and $19.6 million for nonresidents. The other $17.5 million would go to increasing child care worker pay by 10%, something for which the measure also calls for.

Average monthly costs for early child care in the city are currently $1,341 per month, according to the report.

“The cost of preschool and day care right now is exorbitantly expensive, my husband and I are lucky enough to afford to pay but once our daughter goes into care we will be paying more for child care than our mortgage, and more for child care than our UC tuitions when we were in college,” resident Natalie Wheatfall Lum said.

The city of South San Francisco will cover all the costs of preschool and early care, without means testing, which means families with significant means can still participate in the free child care service.

Coleman argues that the rationale behind the lack of means testing for the measure is because a more educated society is a better society.

“If you are extremely wealthy, you can choose your own private school or your own nanny but the idea is the same resources are available to everyone,” Coleman said.

If the funds can’t cover everybody, there will be a system of means testing implemented by the city and administrative body guaranteeing that people of lower income families are prioritized, he added.

“In addition to this there’s another problem, our preschool teachers not making anywhere near a living wage, that would allow them to live in South San Francisco, currently they make around $17 per hour and just for comparison kindergarten teachers make $46 per hour,” said Coleman.

Adding to this issue is low working wages and higher turnover rate has made it difficult for preschool teachers to gain an expertise in the trade, he added.

The service will be provided for every child aged 2.5 to 5 years old whose family lives or works in the city, according to the Yes on DD website.

However, Nicolas said with $56 million they will not be able to provide the child care needs of the city.

“Child care is very much in the center of our universe and as you can see it is part of our general plan,” Nicolas said. “We are the only city in San Mateo County to come up with a child care master plan.”

The city’s child master plan found the need for operational support for child care programs. She argues that child care is not needed only from the ages of 2 1/2 to 5 but from childbirth to 12 years old. In addition, she said non-traditional child care is needed for people who work graveyard shifts or nurses.

“Ours [child master plan] is a very comprehensive plan. We need operational support for these programs, we know how to stabilize and secure facilities and we are looking for the financial resources to help the families pay for this child care,” Nicolas said. “And also most importantly is the solution to the staffing shortage.”

Nicolas said she doesn’t want to be the guinea pig or the first to fail at universal citywide child care.

Brodkin, of Funding the Next Generation, argues that the city officials will love the child care program.

“It will put South San Francisco on a map like nothing else they have ever done, people will want to stay there, people will want to live there,” Brodkin said. “It will be one of the most exciting things that’s happened in the children’s field.”

The post South San Francisco to determine on free little one care | Native Information appeared first on DAILY SAN FRANCISCO BAY NEWS.

San Francisco Housing Action Coalition fought to keep the city Board of Supervisors’ rival housing initiative off the ballot. But a judge ruled Tuesday that the voters should decide between the two.

SAN FRANCISCO (CN) — San Francisco voters will decide between two competing housing initiatives in November as a trial judge on Tuesday declined to strike down one that was challenged in court after being voted onto the ballot by the city’s board of supervisors.

In a brief order, San Francisco County Superior Court Judge Richard Ulmer said the voters should be allowed to pick between Proposition D, a measure backed by the nonprofit San Francisco Housing Action Coalition and supported by Mayor London Breed, and Proposition E, which was placed on the ballot by a vote of the city’s Board of Supervisors in July.

Both propositions purport to speed up the process for building affordable housing in an increasingly unaffordable city. The Housing Action Coalition says its measure streamlines affordable housing projects by allowing developers to bypass discretionary review and bureaucratic red tape. It also eliminates the Board of Supervisor’s authority to approve funding for 100% affordable housing projects on public land.

The board-passed Proposition E is sponsored by Supervisor Connie Chan and similarly promises to accelerate affordable housing construction while leaving in the board’s authority to oversee some 100% affordable housing projects. It also demands more from developers in terms of size, construction and cost requirements for some types of apartments — requirements its critics deride as financially impractical.

“The main difference between Prop D and Prop E is that Prop D will actually result in housing getting built,” Todd David with Housing Action Coalition said in an interview Tuesday. “Prop E is a sham measure that was put on the ballot in bad faith to keep the status quo and make sure housing doesn’t get streamlined and gives the Board of Supervisors authority to reject 100% affordable housing.”

David said Prop. D will allow a mixed income project to get approved in six months, as opposed to the seven-to-nine years it currently takes.

“The Board of Supervisors sets their affordable housing requirement significantly higher than what’s currently required, which will make the project economically unfeasible,” David said of Chan’s measure. “It sets the bar so high that no mixed income housing will be built. It’s a bad faith effort to muddy the waters and confuse the voters. The last thing the Board of Supervisors wants is to get affordable housing built.”

Proposition D also has its detractors. Former city Supervisor John Avalos, now head of the Council of Community Housing Organization, said the measure is full of “sophistry and deception” that will enrich developers while failing to ensure that projects are truly affordable.

“They redefine what affordable is. Their measure changes dramatically what is going to be considered affordable housing to enable projects that were not affordable to get streamlined,” Avalos said.

He added that the measure opens the building process up to more corruption by cutting out board oversight. “If you take away Board of Supervisors’ ability to approve contracts and use of city land, we know there will be abuses,” said Avalos.

But Judge Ulmer said it was not the court’s job to decide the merits of either, writing, “setting policy by picking political winners and losers is not a court’s role.” Instead, the judge had to decide whether voters should be able to decide between them.

Housing Action Coalition had sued to strike Proposition E from the ballot as invalid, arguing that it did not go through the proper environmental review required of projects undertaken by public agencies. Review under the California Environmental Quality Act is not required of its own proposition, the group says, because Prop D made it on the ballot through signature gathering.

In his ruling, Ulmer reiterated a question he asked the group’s attorneys at a hearing last week.

“Why petition signatures by a minority of voters (who may or may not support a proposition) should receive one treatment, while an actual majority vote by the people’s representatives receives another is not clear,” he wrote, even as he acknowledged that the coalition’s argument has some case law support.

“In any event, whether Proposition E is a ‘project,’ and if so, CEQA has been complied with, are dense factual and legal issues that would require more development than they have received. These issues merit reasoned consideration, not a hip shot shortly before ballots go to the printer,” Ulmer wrote.

Avalos pointed out the irony of the coalition trying to invalidate Proposition E via an environmental law it derides for its frequent use by opponents to obstruct and delay housing projects.

“It’s totally ironic that they’re using CEQA as their method to take down the Board of Supervisors’ measure when that’s what they’ve been fighting against all these years,” he said. “I don’t think they have a sense that They have a strong case in court, but by going to court they get to keep hammering at the Board of Supervisors. They’re ok not winning in court as long as they can keep the story in the news media.”

David said his group opposes any abuse of CEQA. “Myself and the HAC, we find it equally offensive when people use CEQA to block housing and when they ignore CEQA to block housing. The Board of Supervisors has never found a CEQA environmental appeal they did not love — except for their measure,” he said. “We’re a pro-housing organization. We’re going to fight when people abuse CEQA to block housing or when they ignore CEQA to block housing.”

Ulmer said he would review the merits of the group’s CEQA claim if Proposition E passes. If both initiatives receive more than 50% of the vote, the one with the most votes will be enacted.

David said his group hasn’t decided yet whether it will continue to challenge Prop E on CEQA grounds. “We just got the ruling. Our focus is 100% on Prop. D passing and getting more votes. We’ll revisit the consideration of a legal challenge at a later date.”

Read the Top 8

Sign up for the Top 8, a roundup of the day’s top stories delivered directly to your inbox Monday through Friday.

The post Choose guidelines San Francisco voters ought to resolve between dueling housing measures appeared first on DAILY SAN FRANCISCO BAY NEWS.

By the end of 2022, San Jose voters could postpone the city’s future mayoral elections to presidential years and potentially give non-citizens living in the city the right to vote in upcoming elections.

By a 10-to-1 vote Tuesday night, the San Jose City Council voted to move forward with a measure in the June 7, 2022 vote asking voters to move the city’s mayoral elections from mid-election years to presidential election years beginning in 2024. The move, which has been in the works for years, will help increase voter turnout and improve representation in the city’s mayoral elections, according to supporters.

“It was a long time coming,” said City Councilor Maya Esparza. “Our current system was designed to suppress votes – it was designed to suppress certain types of votes and allow other votes.”

City leaders also agreed to explore possible additional voting measures for November’s election, including a controversial proposal that the city extend voting rights for local races to non-citizens, such as B. Undocumented immigrants and legal non-citizens who are green card holders or have the right to study or work in the United States

Councilwoman Dev Davis voted against both postponing the mayoral election and considering extending voting rights to non-citizens, saying she didn’t think it was “fair or right.”

If the June 2022 voting measure is approved, the next San Jose mayor elected this year would serve an initial two-year term and then have the option to serve two additional four-year terms in 2024 and 2028 to run for a potential of up to 10 years in office.

Tuesday night’s City Council decisions follow months of work and protracted public meetings by the city’s Charter Review Commission, which was made up of a group of 23 residents appointed by City Council to make recommendations on potential changes to the city’s charter. The commission was formed after Mayor Sam Liccardo endorsed — and then abruptly gave up — a “strong mayor” measure that could potentially have given him significantly more power and an extra two years in office.

The commission’s final report, released Tuesday night, made 17 recommendations, ranging from increasing the number of city council seats from 10 to 14 wards to removing citizenship requirements for board and commission members and public safety reforms such as creating a police rich commission and gave the city’s independent police examiner subpoena powers and full access to unedited records.

The commission did not recommend that the city adopt a “strong mayor” style of government. They did not discuss the proposal to extend voting rights to non-citizens living in San Jose.

The council will hold two study sessions in the coming months to narrow down what recommendations any future election action will make. One meeting will focus on the Charter Review Commission’s recommendations, and another will focus on extending voting rights to non-citizens – a proposal put forward by councilors Magdalena Carrasco and Sylvia Arenas after the commission’s work was completed.

In the United States, more than a dozen municipalities currently allow noncitizens to vote in municipal elections. New York City earlier this month became the nation’s largest municipality allowing legal noncitizen residents to vote in all local elections, provided they are green card holders or have the right to work in the United States. San Francisco voters approved a measure in 2016 that would give parents without citizenship the right to vote in school board elections.

Councilors Carrasco and Arenas, who are campaigning for San Jose to join these other cities, say it would give a voice to those who have long been excluded from participating in the democratic process but play an important role in the community, including business owners, essential workers and consumers.

“Some of these people have been here longer than our own council members,” Carrasco said. “… It is a fantastic thing to give our citizens the opportunity to have a say in their democratic process.”

Santa Clara County is home to nearly 366,600 non-citizens, most of whom are lawful residents but not citizens such as

Dozens of residents who called in support of expanding the city’s voting rights Tuesday night said it would create a “more democratic,” “more inclusive,” and “racially just” city, arguing it was unfair for immigrants to have to pay taxes but local politics could not falter.

“Immigrants here have helped build our city’s infrastructure and prosperity, but we’ve left so many of them without the right to vote in local decisions that directly affect their lives,” said resident Nicholas Hurley.

However, other residents strongly opposed the last-minute proposal, calling it “ridiculous” and arguing that immigrants should be required to go through the relevant citizenship process before acquiring the right to vote.

“I think it’s an attempt to let foreigners take over our city,” said a resident named Brenda. “This is America — if you become a citizen, you get the right to vote.”

During their discussion, several council members expressed that the article “brought out the worst in people” and noted that their inboxes were flooded with “appalling” and racist emails about immigrants.

The post San Jose to resolve shifting mayoral election, undocumented vote appeared first on DAILY SAN FRANCISCO BAY NEWS.

David Ebarle zieht einen winzigen Hebel an dem bekannten roten Apparat vor sich, der wie ein Monopoly-Haus aus Eisen geformt ist. Es gibt ein mechanisches, schleifendes Geräusch von sich, das über seine Stimme dröhnt – es ist fast ein statisches Geräusch.

Wir stehen im derzeit geschlossenen San Francisco Fire Department Museum, einem unscheinbaren burgunderroten Gebäude neben der Station 10 an der Presidio Avenue. Im Inneren ragen gerahmte Fotografien aller Stadtfeuerwehrchefs der letzten 150 Jahre über den Köpfen auf, und alternde Feuerwehrhüte und Abzeichen aus Leder säumen die Regale der Vitrinen, die den Raum umgeben.

Im Zentrum dieses Nischenzentrums für Rettungsdienste, versteckt hinter einer Schaufensterpuppe, die drei Feuerpferde führt, befindet sich eine nicht mehr existierende Feueralarm-Rufbox, die einst an der Kreuzung der Front- und Pine Street stand, nur wenige Schritte vom Bahnhof Embarcadero entfernt.

Ebarle – Kuratoriumsmitglied von Guardians of the City, der Organisation, die das Museum betreibt – zeigt mir, wie es funktioniert.

„Es war nicht ungewöhnlich, dass die Leute bei einem medizinischen Notfall oder einem Verbrechen – nicht nur einem Feuer – am nächsten an eine von diesen herankommen konnten“, sagt Ebarle und legt seine Hand auf die Box, während sie weiter summt. “Das war natürlich in den Tagen vor dem Handy, aber sie wussten, dass Hilfe kommen würde.”

Ich frage, woher das Geräusch kommt, und Ebarle grinst.

„Nun, mal sehen“, sagt er und öffnet die Kiste, um eine weiße Tür zu enthüllen.

David Ebarle zeigt uns das Innere einer Feuerbüchse.

Patricia Chang/Special für SFGATE

Er benutzt einen Schlüssel, um es zu entriegeln, und im Inneren befindet sich eine Reihe von Zahnrädern, Kurbeln und Zahnrädern, die beim Drehen vor Anstrengung ächzen. Währenddessen arbeitet eine Messingscheibe hart daran, eine Reihe von Zahlen im Morsecode abzutippen, die vor Jahren durch kilometerlange Kupferdrähte unter der Erde gewandert wären, bevor sie die nächste Station erreichten, um die Notrufzentrale zu alarmieren und eine Feuerwehr zu den Flammen zu schicken .

Dieses System wurde am 24. April 1865 in San Francisco implementiert und kostete die Stadt damals 24.000 Dollar, so die San Francisco Historical Society. Es wird bis heute verwendet, und heute sind mehr als 2.000 Kisten in der ganzen Stadt an fast jeder Straßenecke in der Innenstadt zu finden – allgegenwärtige Bestandteile der Kulisse von San Francisco, die steile Hügel übersät und vor bonbonfarbenen Viktorianern auftaucht.

Dies war wahrscheinlich ein Werbebild eines Anwohners, der kurz nach ihrer Einführung in der ganzen Stadt an einer der Feuerkästen von San Francisco bastelte.

Bettmann/Bettmann Archiv/Getty Images

„Die Leute lieben die Feuerboxen. Sie lieben es, über sie zu lernen. Und wenn sie einmal davon erfahren, sehen sie sie überall. Es ist etwas, das bei den Menschen eine natürliche Neugier weckt“, sagte Jamie O’Keefe, der seit 12 Jahren Kurator des Museums ist. „Sie halten, selbst wenn die Mobilfunkmasten ausgefallen sind. Es ist also ziemlich unglaublich, dass diese beim Erdbeben von 1906 funktionierten und bis heute funktionieren.“

Aber einige Anwohner stellen die veraltete Technologie in Frage und fragen sich, ob es sich lohnt, die Feuerboxen in einer modernen Zeit zu erhalten, wenn sie die Stadt laut einem Bericht des San Francisco Chronicle aus dem Jahr 2018 etwa 1,2 Millionen US-Dollar pro Jahr kosten und immer schwieriger werden aufrecht erhalten. (SFGATE und The Chronicle sind beide im Besitz von Hearst, arbeiten aber unabhängig voneinander.)

Das Technische Department der Stadt, das die Feuerkästen beaufsichtigt, sagte, dass einige von ihnen außer Betrieb seien, weil das System altert und „die Wartung eine ständige Herausforderung ist“, konnte jedoch nicht genau sagen, wie viele nicht mehr in Betrieb waren. Jonathan Baxter, ein Public Information Officer der San Francisco Fire Department, glaubt, dass die Zahl „weit über hundert“ liegt. Und mit der Entwicklung der Mobiltelefon- und Überwachungskameratechnologie sowie von Benachrichtigungssystemen wie AlertSF ist die tatsächliche Nutzung der Feuerboxen exponentiell zurückgegangen.

„Wir können keinen einzigen Vorfall finden, der in den letzten drei Jahren von einem von ihnen gemeldet wurde“, sagte Baxter und fügte hinzu, dass sich die historisch am meisten genutzten Feuerboxen im Korridor der Innenstadt befanden, die meisten, wenn nicht alle, Fehlalarme waren. „In meiner 22-jährigen Karriere in der Abteilung fällt mir vielleicht nur ein Feuer ein, das ursprünglich von einer der eigentlichen Brandmelder gemeldet wurde, und das war das Erdbeben von Loma Prieta, als ein Gebäudebesitzer auslief und die Maschine zog Alarmbox.”

Die Feuerwehr hat 2019 eine Arbeitsgruppe gegründet, um die Möglichkeit zu prüfen, die Boxen in irgendeiner Weise zu sanieren oder zu modernisieren, wenn nicht sogar ganz zu eliminieren. Baxter war überrascht, in Vorgesprächen mit Einwohnern in der ganzen Stadt festzustellen, dass die Leute sich um den Erhalt ihrer Feuerboxen in der Nachbarschaft kümmerten – ob sie funktionsfähig waren oder nicht.

Zahnräder und Zahnräder in der Feuerbox.

Patricia Chang/Special für SFGATE

„Ich hatte Leute von der Valencia Street bis zum Excelsior District und ein paar Leute aus dem Ingleside District an der Ocean Avenue, die mir gesagt haben, dass die Feuerkästen für ihre Gemeinde sehr wichtig sind“, sagte er. „Es ist Teil ihres Blocks. Es war dort, als ihre Vorfahren vor ihnen dort lebten. Sie mögen sie, weil sie zu San Francisco gehören, und wenn man sich ansieht, was in der ganzen Stadt passiert, wo Gebäude abgerissen und Straßen durch Asphalt ersetzt werden, sind sie das, was übrig geblieben ist, und verleihen diesem Viertel eine Einzigartigkeit.“

Die weitere Diskussion wurde durch die Pandemie eingeschränkt, und jetzt sei es zu früh, um das Schicksal der Feuerbüchsen abzuwägen. Verständlicherweise stehen sie auf der Prioritätenliste der Abteilung weit unten, da sie unmittelbarere Bedürfnisse erfüllen, wie z.

„Es war nicht ungewöhnlich, dass die Menschen bei einem medizinischen Notfall oder einem Verbrechen – nicht nur einem Feuer – einer von diesen am nächsten kamen“, sagte Ebarle. “Das war natürlich in den Tagen vor dem Handy, aber sie wussten, dass Hilfe kommen würde.”

Patricia Chang/Special für SFGATE

Aber Bill Koenig, ein pensionierter Feuerwehrmann und jetzt emeritierter Museumsdirektor des San Francisco Fire Department Museum, glaubt, dass die Feuerkästen trotz ihrer veralteten Natur immer noch eine wichtige Rolle spielen.

„Als ich in den 1970er Jahren hereinkam, waren alle großen Brände an jeder Ecke mit einer Alarmbox verbunden“, sagte er. „Es gibt zu viele Geschichten, um sie zu zählen. Wir haben das Glück, sie als Stadt zu haben, und wenn alles untergeht, müssen wir uns darauf verlassen.“

Städte wie Oakland und Sacramento haben ihre Feuerraumsysteme 2005 wegen mangelnder Nutzung und der Verbreitung von Mobiltelefonen eingestellt, aber Ebarle, der zusätzlich zu seiner Rolle im Museum im San Francisco Department of Emergency Management arbeitet, sagte das System in San Francisco wird immer noch finanziert und unterhalten, da nicht jeder in der Stadt einen einfachen Weg hat, um Hilfe zu erhalten.

Über 2.000 alte – aber funktionstüchtige – Feuermelder sind immer noch an Straßenecken in der gesamten Innenstadt von San Francisco in Betrieb. Aber werden sie dauern?

Robert Alexander/Getty Images

„Die Leute haben kein Festnetz mehr und auch nicht jeder hat ein iPhone. Es besteht auch die Möglichkeit, dass Sie, wenn Sie zum Schwimmen nach Ocean Beach gehen, keinen dabei haben, und was passiert, wenn jemand ertrinkt und Sie Hilfe brauchen?“ er sagte. „Es ist klüger, das System zu behalten, als es loszuwerden.“

Ebarle steht der Idee offen, die Wirksamkeit der Feuerbüchsen der Stadt im Hinblick auf ihre Langlebigkeit zu analysieren. Anstatt sie zu entfernen, könnte die Stadt die Boxen modernisieren, indem sie eine Komponente hinzufügt, die es ihnen ermöglicht, Solarstrom zu nutzen, oder die Infrastruktur auf drahtlose oder Glasfasertechnologie umstellt.

„Jeder weiß, was diese rote Kiste ist“, sagte er. „Ich denke, es muss einen Kompromiss geben, der für die Steuerzahler kostengünstig ist, aber den zusätzlichen Service bietet, Menschen Zugang zu verschaffen, die ihn möglicherweise nicht haben. Es wäre nicht schädlich, das System loszuwerden, aber es bietet nicht die einfache Kommunikation, die erhalten bleiben würde, wenn wir es am Laufen hielten.“

Das Innere einer der Feuerkästen von San Francisco.

Patricia Chang/Special für SFGATE

Das Äußere des San Francisco Fire Department Museum an der Presidio Avenue, wo zwei Feuerkästen ausgestellt sind.

Patricia Chang/Special für SFGATE

David Ebarle zieht den Hebel an einer Feuerbüchse.

Patricia Chang/Special für SFGATE

David Ebarle zeigt das Innere einer Feueralarmbox, die früher an der Kreuzung der Front Street und der Pine Street in Betrieb war, nur wenige Schritte vom Bahnhof Embarcadero entfernt.

Patricia Chang/Special für SFGATE

Eine Schublade mit Laufkarten, aus der Feuerwehrleute ziehen würden, nachdem sie eine Warnung von einer der Feuerboxen erhalten hatten. Die Karten würden ihnen helfen, zu bestimmen, welche Lastwagen und Motoren sie ins Feuer schicken sollten.

Patricia Chang/Special für SFGATE

Oben auf der Stecktafel befindet sich ein Foto aus den 1960er Jahren von Feuerwehrleuten aus San Francisco, die auf Anrufe von Feuerboxen warten.

Patricia Chang/Special für SFGATE

David Ebarle führt durch das San Francisco Fire Department Museum (derzeit geschlossen).

Patricia Chang/Special für SFGATE

Die Feuerbox würde eine vierstellige Nachricht im Morsecode abtippen, die an die Versandabteilung weitergeleitet wurde, um sie zu informieren, welche Box ausgelöst wurde.

Patricia Chang/Special für SFGATE

Die Feuerbox würde eine vierstellige Nachricht im Morsecode abtippen, die an die Versandabteilung weitergeleitet wurde, um sie zu informieren, welche Box ausgelöst wurde.

Patricia Chang/Special für SFGATE

Ein Foto der Stecktafel, mit der die Feuerwehrleute auf der Station feststellen würden, welche Feuerwehrautos und -fahrzeuge zum Brand geschickt werden mussten.

Patricia Chang/Special für SFGATE

Eine Log-Karte für die Feuerbox 1645 – an der Kreuzung der Larkin- und Fulton-Straße – zeigt, welche Triebwerke und Reserven sich am nächsten in der Nähe der Box befinden.

Patricia Chang/Special für SFGATE

David Ebarle zeigt uns das Innere einer stillgelegten Feueralarmbox.

Patricia Chang/Special für SFGATE

Mehr als 2.000 alte – aber funktionsfähige – Feuermelder sind immer noch an Straßenecken in der gesamten Innenstadt von San Francisco in Betrieb. Aber werden sie dauern?

Patricia Chang/Special für SFGATE

The post San Francisco nonetheless cannot determine what to do with its historic hearth packing containers appeared first on DAILY SAN FRANCISCO BAY NEWS.

You may not want to remember January of this year, an incredible low point in a young year 2021. But in the hellish landscape of the COVID-19 pandemic and the aftermath of the January 6th Capitol riot, the New York Times published a story about Tech freaks fleeing San Francisco for the greener, sunnier pastures of Miami, Austin, Puerto Rico, and other parts of the world outside the Bay Area and the state.

This article, titled “You Can’t Get Out of the Bay Area Fast Enough,” signaled a turning point in technology’s relationship with the city. Other places had less taxes, less crime, more space for less money – and as writer Nellie Bowles pointed out, they were not despised by their neighbors. (That said, if you talked to some longtime residents of these new tech hotspots, that firsthand opinion could change quickly.) They could work remotely and get their way financially, even if they accepted a cut in salaries.

The Times article wasn’t the editorial of San Francisco’s tech exodus, but it was certainly the most prominent national account of the phenomenon. It drew strong opinions from the creators and creators of San Francisco Twitter – techie or not. In doing so, the Times set the tone for much of San Francisco’s tech experts. (Something that is not alien to us on this side either.)

So it’s strange to see the newspaper turn around almost six months to the day its first story of San Francisco’s suffering was published without even mentioning its previous story and itself as part of the panic Involving an SF exodus was perhaps an exaggeration.

On Thursday they published an article that serves almost as an expanded addendum to their own coverage: “Tech Workers Swore Off the Bay Area. Now they’re coming back. “

In it, the Times sings a different tune than the Swan Song of San Francisco in early 2021. Now the allure of big city life in the bay is too strong despite all the complicated reservations.

Perhaps with new information in tow – namely, U.S. Postal Service’s address change dates revealing that those who left San Francisco mostly ended up in other parts of the Bay Area or the state – the Times wanted after their previous spicy doomsaying. But the least they could have done would be to explicitly refer to their own comprehensive January coverage.

There is a pointed reference to exaggerated “Exodus headlines” without mentioning their own. There’s not even a follow-up to the previously interviewed people, the various app founders and investors who flatly denounced the Bay Area.

After all, the story of the California Exodus is certainly more nuanced than it would be in either piece. Lots of people are gone forever, sure. But despite the Bay Area’s myriad of warts and ailments, so many more remained nearby. Some companies even doubled their stay and moved to San Francisco instead of fleeing entirely. For many tech, San Francisco was less about crime and homelessness than it was about how tech adoption left the locals behind.

The Times quoted a co-founder of an investment firm as saying that the graduates “were pretty noisy about leaving the Bay Area,” but perhaps less so for those who have crawled back. It ultimately feels like they pulled a similar trick.

The post The New York Instances cannot determine whether or not San Francisco is dying or not appeared first on DAILY SAN FRANCISCO BAY NEWS.